To counter the Russian threat, democracy matters as much as defence spending
The erosion of democracy and the rise of extremist parties threaten Europe from within. If the European Union allows these trends to deepen, it risks handing Moscow victory without a single shot being fired.
Europe faces its most serious existential threat since the Cold War. The prospect of war is more immediate than it has been for decades. This new reality, combined with growing doubts about US support in the event of a Russian attack, has driven European countries to increase defence spending and launch EU-wide initiatives aimed at reducing dependence on Washington and strengthening resilience against the imminent Russian threat.
This renewed focus on military readiness is essential but insufficient. Europe’s security depends not only on weapons but also on the viability of its democracies. Russia’s aggressive stance is rooted in its fear of liberal democracy and the rights it upholds. Freedom poses a greater threat to authoritarian regimes than military power. Autocrats are inherently unsettled by democratic systems because their values directly challenge the authority of systems built on fear rather than the will of the people.
To resist Russia, preserving democracies is as important as defence investment. Military strength without democratic integrity leaves Europe vulnerable from within. Safeguarding democracy is as vital as tanks or missiles in ensuring long-term security.
Extremism and democratic backsliding
Democratic backsliding is rife across Europe. Far-right parties lead opinion polls in France and Germany, while fundamental freedoms are under serious attack in several EU member states including Hungary and Slovakia.
The far-right threat is particularly acute in the EU’s two largest member states. Alternative for Germany (AfD) continues to rise in Germany, while in France, the prospect of a far-right president in 2027 is increasingly likely. Yet this threat is not treated with the same urgency as the one from Russia, despite having the potential to shake the EU’s foundations. It is not only a threat to democracy, but also to the Defence Readiness Roadmap 2030.
The far right’s stance on Russia is, at best, ambiguous. In France, National Rally leader Jordan Bardella has sought to distance himself from Marine Le Pen’s pro-Russian position, yet his views on Europe’s defence against Moscow remain vague. In Germany, the AfD’s links to Russia are even more troubling, with recent allegations that some party members were involved in spying on the German army on Moscow’s behalf.
The threat is not confined to France and Germany. The EU’s 2025 Rule of Law Report identifies serious concerns in several member states regarding judicial independence, media freedom and corruption. These are not isolated governance issues but warning signs of democratic backsliding. When courts are pressured, journalists silenced and public institutions weakened, democracy erodes from within. This fragility is precisely what hostile countries like Russia exploit. Europe cannot afford to dismiss these developments as domestic anomalies; they are strategic liabilities.
Democratic decline is also visible in EU aspirants, including Serbia, Türkiye and Georgia. Türkiye, home to NATO’s second-largest army, exemplifies this paradox: its defence industry is booming, yet its democracy is in freefall, symbolised by the imprisonment of the main opposition party’s presidential candidate Ekrem İmamoğlu earlier this year. This poses a profound dilemma for Europe: how to reconcile strategic realism with democratic values. In reality, there is no such tradeoff. Europe’s security and its democracy are inseparable. Strong democracies with credible defences are the only sustainable response to authoritarian threats. That is not idealism; it is realism.
Free world versus authoritarian regimes
The defining struggle of our time is not only military; it is a contest between the free world and authoritarian regimes. The outcome will shape not only Europe’s future, but the future of the international order. To prevail, Europe must act decisively to fortify democracy. Three priorities stand out.
First, Europe needs a common strategy to confront extremism and extremist ideologies. Existing initiatives such as the EU Knowledge Hub are valuable, but Europe requires more platforms to bring together pro-democracy actors to move beyond theoretical discussions to taking concrete action.
Second, public awareness must be strengthened, especially among young Europeans. Many takes democracy for granted. Innovative education, digital engagement and cultural initiatives can help convey that democratic erosion is not an abstract risk but a direct danger to their freedom and future.
Finally, the European Democracy Shield must evolve beyond a symbolic committee. Its recommendations should be debated and implemented across institutions, national parliaments, political parties and civil society. Democracy must become a shared strategic priority, not a secondary concern overshadowed by military planning.
Peace in Europe has long been taken for granted – and so have our freedoms. Yet democracy is not self-sustaining. It requires constant vigilance and resilience in the face of domestic and external threats. Mainstream political parties, civil society and citizens alike must recognise that the battle for democracy is not theoretical. It is a defining test of our time.
If Europe fails to defend democracy from within, it risks losing the very values and freedoms that define it.
Dr. Demir Murat Seyrek is an Adjunct Professor at VUB and the Brussels School of Governance and an Academic Fellow at the European Policy Centre.
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